Part Five: The Land Was Spoken For
They always tell you the nuclear waste plan is new. That this was a recent opportunity. A modern idea. Something Wyoming could debate from scratch.
But it’s not new. In fact, we now know exactly how far back this plan goes.
In the late 1990s, a private company called Nuclear Energy West (NEW Corp.) pitched a national spent nuclear fuel (SNF) storage site in Fremont County—on a very specific parcel near Shoshoni. The proposal was part of the so-called “Owl Creek Energy Project,” and it was serious enough to spark statewide concern and media coverage. It wasn’t theoretical. The land was already picked. It had access to rail, isolation, and private ownership. A perfect target. And that land, we’ve discovered, still exists in the same parcel shape today—under a corporation called 2B Land & Livestock, formed in 1981 by Vincent Picard, a former state senator from Albany County who was born in Shoshoni[^1]. Picard died in 2004, but the land remains in the corporation’s name, with his wife still listed as the registered agent.
The 1990s project faced backlash and was shelved. Or so people thought.
Fast forward to 2025, and suddenly the same kind of plan is back in motion—just dressed in newer clothes. Legislators are floating bills like HB0016 and SF0186 to “study” or “support” SNF storage again. Fremont County is once again the quiet epicenter. And we’re watching the same tactics: obfuscation, insider maneuvering, and no public vote.
And if you think that sounds familiar, it should. A 1998 High Country News report showed that Sen. Bob Peck and then-Rep. Eli Bebout were founding board members of Nuclear Energy West[^2]. That means this entire concept—from site selection to political groundwork—wasn’t an abstract plan. It was a deliberate effort by state insiders who laid the foundation 30 years ago, and who’ve continued to influence uranium and nuclear energy policy ever since.
Now the effort has resurfaced. Same county. Same motives. New front men.
And possibly, the same land.
Sidebar: Why the Tracks Matter
If you’re wondering how spent nuclear fuel (SNF) would even get to Wyoming, here’s the cold, hard truth: you don’t haul highly radioactive waste on a two-lane county road in a cattle trailer.
You haul it by train.
That’s not an opinion—it’s federal policy. SNF is classified as high-level radioactive waste, because it’s exactly that: dangerously radioactive for tens of thousands of years. After it comes out of a reactor, it’s so “hot” it has to cool off in water pools for years before it can even be put into a dry cask. And those casks? They weigh up to 180 tons fully loaded—far too heavy and too hazardous for a semi-truck convoy to drag across Wyoming’s backroads.
That’s why the U.S. Department of Energy, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and the Department of Transportation all agree: rail is the only safe, feasible, and federally approved method for transporting spent fuel across state lines.
Which brings us to Fremont County—and a very specific piece of private land just outside Shoshoni.
Not only is the geology right—dry, remote, and layered with bedrock—but the rail line runs directly through the property.
Yes, you read that right. The same shortline corridor operated by the Bighorn Divide & Wyoming Railroad cuts right across this parcel—the very one tied to the 1990s Nuclear Energy West proposal. A proposal that was shelved, not killed. A plan supported by former legislators who—coincidentally—still have their hands in uranium companies and nuclear legislation today.
You think that’s an accident?
Because if you were quietly trying to build a nuclear waste site in Wyoming, this is exactly what you’d need:
Private land, to dodge federal siting rules.
Rail access, to legally transport spent fuel in from out of state.
Political insulation, built over decades by legacy families and industry insiders.
And now, as legislation inches closer and the public remains distracted, you have to ask:
Was this land always the plan?
Because if the law changes and the paperwork’s already in place, then the train doesn’t need to wait.
It just needs a greenlight.
The UW Study You Weren’t Supposed to See
In early 2025, the University of Wyoming School of Energy Resources quietly published Part Five of its multi-part “Nuclear in Wyoming” series. The final installment focused on spent nuclear fuel and Wyoming’s potential role in long-term SNF storage[^3]. It wasn’t widely shared—at least not with the conservative lawmakers I’ve spoken to. I found it during my own research.
Here’s what it says: the “potential economic benefit” of hosting spent fuel might range from $236 to $612 million over 40 years. But those numbers come with serious strings attached. Wyoming would shoulder the cost of building new infrastructure, security, emergency response systems, monitoring, and long-term maintenance. The “revenue” only materializes if Wyoming does all the heavy lifting and nothing goes wrong.
That’s not an investment. That’s a liability—wrapped in PR.
And conveniently, no one in Cheyenne seemed eager to promote the report.
Speaking with a Forked Tongue
In July, Rep. Lloyd Larsen told Cowboy State Daily that Wyoming is well protected from becoming a nuclear dumping ground because existing laws require state approval for any spent fuel storage[^4].
But let’s be honest: every time Representative Larsen speaks, it’s like he’s buttering up his audience so he can pull a fast one.
Because if we’re already protected, why on earth did Larsen and Sen. Ed Cooper push HB0016 and SF0186 during the last legislative session? Both bills would have set the stage for nuclear waste to come into Wyoming under the guise of a “pilot project” or a “study.” And both would have given agencies broad discretion to move ahead without a vote of the people.
Those bills originated in the Joint Minerals Committee in 2024 and were later presented by Larsen and Cooper to their respective chambers—not necessarily as individual sponsors, but as legislative couriers of a much deeper agenda[^5].
If we’re so protected, why were they trying to change the rules?
Who are they working for?
The $25 Million Loop
Now let’s talk about Radiant Industries.
This California-based startup is promoting an unproven microreactor design it calls “Kaleidos.” The company wants to build a facility in Bar Nunn to manufacture and possibly store its product—but the design hasn’t even been tested. Final validation at Idaho National Lab won’t begin until mid-2026[^6]. In other words, we’re talking about tens of millions of dollars in public funds being committed to a product that doesn’t yet exist.
Enter the Wyoming Business Council’s Business Ready Community (BRC) Grant—a $25 million prize that’s been floated for Radiant.
But Radiant didn’t apply for the grant. The city of Casper supported it. Bar Nunn voted against it. And Advance Casper, a nonprofit “economic development” organization, has been pushing it hard.
If Advance Casper administers the grant, they get to take 5–10% off the top in “management fees,” then control who gets hired to build the site, lay the roads, and supply the materials[^7].
This isn’t economic development. It’s a piggy bank for insiders.
And let’s not forget the risk: Radiant’s plans allow for on-site spent fuel storage if needed. That means Bar Nunn could end up hosting nuclear waste—permanently—without ever voting on it.
Who Pays, Who Profits?
If this all sounds like a raw deal, that’s because it is.
Companies like TerraPower are exempt from Wyoming’s $5-per-megawatt-hour electricity tax because they’re designated as demonstration or training facilities. TerraPower has already received $2 billion in federal support—and they won’t pay taxes on the power they generate[^8].
Radiant may fall into the same bucket. If their customers are federal agencies or other tax-exempt entities, there’s no sales tax collected. So even if they’re selling a product, the state won’t see a dime.
Meanwhile, Wyoming communities shoulder the burden of infrastructure, housing, emergency planning, and future liability.
So again—who really benefits?
This isn’t a conspiracy theory.
It’s a trail of evidence stretching from the 1990s to now. We’ve uncovered the original land parcel. We’ve followed the players from old proposals to current legislative maneuvers. We’ve seen the hidden university study, the grant shell game, the tax exemptions, the insider network, and the resurrection of a nuclear waste plan that never really died.
Is that land near Shoshoni the only possible location? Maybe not. But based on what we’ve seen in the records, what we’ve learned from rail access, and who stands to gain—it still makes the most sense.
And we’ll keep digging.
Because this isn’t just about Radiant, or Fremont County, or any one landowner.
This is about the future of Wyoming—and whether we sell it off, one backroom deal at a time.
One last note: I may be the writer and face of this exposé, but I’m not doing this alone. Behind the scenes, I’m supported by a team of researchers, collaborators, and whistleblowers who care deeply about Wyoming’s future. Many of them work quietly—sending tips, sharing documents, uncovering the threads others would rather keep hidden. So if you’ve made it this far: thank you. And stay tuned.
Footnotes:
[^1]: Wyoming Secretary of State corporate records for 2B Land & Livestock, incorporation date 1981; Vincent Picard obituary (2004); property parcel trace via Fremont County GIS.
[^2]: High Country News, “No Nuclear Jeopardy in Wyoming,” 1998. Link: https://www.hcn.org/issues/130/4163
[^3]: University of Wyoming School of Energy Resources, Nuclear Series Part Five: “Spent Nuclear Fuel,” published February 2025.
[^4]: Cowboy State Daily, “Wyoming Freedom Caucus Opposes Adding More Nuclear Waste Sites,” July 25, 2025.
[^5]: Legislative history for HB0016 and SF0186, 2024 Session. Wyoming Legislature.
[^6]: Radiant Industries INL testing timeline via public presentations; Idaho National Laboratory Dome Building schedule.
[^7]: Wyoming Business Council Business Ready Community Grant Program documents; Advance Casper administrative fee structure.
[^8]: TerraPower exemption under HB0074; Wyoming Department of Revenue interpretations and 2024 public statements.